Citation with stable link: Philip A. Harland, 'Germans: Tacitus on the revolt of the Batavians and on Batavian character (early second century CE),' Ethnic Relations and Migration in the Ancient World, last modified August 16, 2024, https://philipharland.com/Blog/?p=21560.
Ancient author: Tacitus, Histories 4.12–18 and 5.17, 24-26 (link).
Comments: Tacitus’ story of the revolt of the Batavians in what is now the Netherlands, led by Civilis and placed in 69-70 CE (for the full account see 4.12-37, 54-79; 5.14–26), also entails Tacitus’ own sketches here and there of the supposed character of the Batavians, as well as other Germanic or Celtic peoples that joined the revolt.
Included here are several important speeches or discussions that Tacitus puts into the mouths of Batavians themselves in the narrative. These speeches capture quickly Tacitus’ picture of a rash, courageous, and spirited people aimed at freedom against the danger of Roman rule as enslavement. Tacitus certainly uses the Batavian Civilis’ speeches to outline potential critiques of Roman colonialism from the point of view of the subjugated; but, as Eric Adler (2011, 130-134) points out, these speeches are far less potent than that of the Briton Boudicca (link). As Leen Van Broeck (2018) shows, Tacitus also stresses Batavian success when working within their own wet and marshy environment (in the Netherlands).
However, ultimately, the Batavians at the end of the episode are pictured recognizing how futile it is to resist the Romans and how living under Roman rule would be far better than the alternative. In other words, the Batavians say what Tacitus thinks about such resistance against Roman domination. In the end, the Batavians are an insignificant people with an overblown sense of their own abilities, according to Tacitus.
For Tacitus views on Germanic peoples, see also his Germania on this site (link).
Works consulted: E. Adler, Valorizing the Barbarians: Enemy Speeches in Roman Historiography (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2011); L. van Broeck, “Wily Wetlands: Imperialism and Resistance in Tacitus’s Batavian Revolt,” in Landscapes of Dread in Classical Antiquity, ed. Debbie Felton (New York, NY: Routledge, 2018), 145–62.
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[Introduction and focus on descent groups’ roles in causing the revolt of the Celtic provinces]
(4.12) During these same days the citizens received increasing rumours of disasters in Germany with no sign of sorrow: slaughtered armies, the capture of the legions’ winter quarters, a revolt of the Gallic provinces men spoke of as though they were not misfortunes.
[Batavians as auxiliaries in the Roman army]
As to that war, I propose to explain its causes somewhat deeply and the extent to which foreign and allied descent groups (gentes) were involved in this conflagration. The Batavians [in what is now the Netherlands] formed part of the Chattians so long as they lived across the Rhine river. Then, being expelled by a civil war, they occupied the edge of the Gallic bank which was uninhabited, and likewise an island close by, which is washed by the ocean in front but by the Rhine behind and on the sides. Without having their wealth exhausted — a thing which is rare in alliance with a stronger people — they furnished our empire only men and weapons. They had long training in our wars with the Germans. Then later the Batavians increased their renown by service in Britannia, from where some cohorts were sent, led according to their ancient custom by the noblest among them. They had also at home a select body of horsemen which excelled in swimming; keeping their weapons and horses they crossed the Rhine without breaking their formation.
(4.13) Julius Paulus and Julius Civilis were by far the most distinguished among the Batavians, being both of royal lineage. On a false charge of revolt, Paulus was executed by Fonteius Capito. Civilis was put in chains and sent to Nero, and although acquitted by Galba, he was again exposed to danger under Vitellius owing to the clamour of the army for his punishment: these were the causes of his anger, his hopes sprang from our misfortunes.
[Civilis the Batavian as an exceptional barbarian and leader of the revolt over conscription practices]
Civilis, however, who was cunning beyond the average barbarian, bore himself also like a Sertorius or a Hannibal, since his face was disfigured like theirs. In order to avoid being attacked as an enemy, as he would have been if he had openly revolted from the Romans, he pretended to be a friend of Vespasian and enthusiastic for his party. In fact, Primus Antonius had actually written to him directing him to divert the auxiliary troops called up by Vitellius and to hold back the legions on the pretext of a German revolt. Hordeonius Flaccus, who was on the ground, had given him the same suggestion, moved by his own partiality toward Vespasian and by his anxiety for the state, whose ruin was sure if war were renewed and all those thousands of armed men burst into Italy.
(4.14) So then Civilis, having determined to revolt, concealed for the time his deeper purpose, and being ready to determine his other plans by the event, began to make trouble in the following way. At the orders of Vitellius a conscription of the young Batavians was now being made. This burden, which is naturally grievous, was made the heavier by the greed and licence of those in charge of conscription: they hunted out the old and the weak that they might get a price for letting them off. Again they dragged away the children to satisfy their lust, choosing the most beautiful (Batavian children are generally tall for their age). These acts aroused resentment, and the leaders in the conspiracy, on which they were now determined, persuaded the people to refuse conscription.
[Civilis’ first speech in the narrative, on the honour of their descent group]
Civilis called the leaders of his descent group and the boldest of the common people into a sacred grove under the pretext of giving a banquet, and when he saw that the night and revelry had fired their spirits, he began to speak of the honour and glory of their descent group, then passed on to count over their wrongs, the extortion practised on them, and all the rest of the misfortunes of slavery.
He declared:
“We are no longer regarded as allies, as we once were, but as slaves. When does a governor come to us with full commission, even though his suite would be burdensome and insolent if he came? We are handed over to prefects and centurions. After one band is satisfied with murder and spoils, the troops are shifted, and new purses are looked for to be filled and varied pretexts for plundering are sought. We are threatened with conscription which separates children from parents and brothers from brothers, as if in death. Never has the Roman state been in direr straits than now, and there is nothing in their winter camps but booty and old men. Simply lift your eyes and do not fear the empty name of legions. But on our side are our strong foot-soldiers and horsemen, our relatives the Germans, the Gallic provinces that cherish the same desires as ourselves. Not even the Romans will regard this war with disfavour. If its outcome is uncertain we will say that it was undertaken for Vespasian. For victory no account is ever rendered.”
[Role of the Canninefatians, Frisians, and the leader Brinno]
(4.15) His words won great applause, and he bound them all by their ancestral oaths and barbarous rites. Men were despatched to the Canninefatians (Canninefates) [located just north of the Batavians, where the Rhine empties into the North Sea] to join them to their plan. The Canninefatians live in part of the island. In origin, speech, and courage they are equal to the Batavians, but inferior to them in number. Presently by secret messages they won over to their cause auxiliary troops from Britannia and the Batavian cohorts that had been sent into Germany, as I have stated above, and which were at that time stationed at Mogontiacum [modern Mainz].
There was among the Canninefatians a man of brute courage named Brinno, who was of illustrious descent. His father had dared to commit many hostile acts and had shown his scorn for Gaius’ absurd expeditions without suffering for it. The very name of his rebellious family therefore made Brinno a favorite. In accordance with their ancestral custom the Batavians set him on a shield and, lifting him on their shoulders, chose him as their leader.
Brinno immediately called in the Frisians, a descent group living across the Rhine [on the east side], and assailed by sea the winter camp of two cohorts which were nearest to attack. The Roman troops had not foreseen the assault, and even if they had, they did not have enough strength to keep off the enemy. So the Roman camp was captured and plundered. Then the enemy attacked the Roman foragers and traders who were scattered around the country as if it were a time of peace. At the same time they threatened to destroy the Roman forts, which the prefects of the cohorts burned, for they could not defend them. The Roman ensigns and standards with all the soldiers were concentrated in the upper part of the island under the leadership of Aquilius, a centurion of the first rank. But they had rather the name than the strength of an army, because when Vitellius had withdrawn the effective cohorts, he had gathered a useless crowd from the nearest villages of the Nervians (Nervii) and Germans and burdened them with weapons.
[Batavian treachery and Civilis’ trick]
(4.16) Thinking it was best to proceed by craft, Civilis promptly rebuked the prefects for abandoning their forts, and declared that he would crush the revolt of the Canninefatians with the cohort under his command. Each of them were to return to his winter quarters. It was clear that treachery lay behind his advice and that the cohorts when scattered could be more easily crushed. Likewise it was plain that the real leader in this war was not Brinno but Civilis. The proofs of this gradually appeared, for the Germans, who delight in war, did not long conceal the facts. When treachery did not succeed, Civilis turned to force and organized the Canninefatians, the Frisians, and the Batavians, each descent group in a troop by itself: the Roman line was drawn up to oppose them not far from the Rhine, and the vessels which had been brought here after the burning of the forts were turned to face the foe. The battle had not lasted long when a cohort of the Tungrians [another “Germanic” people southwest of the Batavians] transferred its standards to Civilis, and the Roman soldiers, demoralized by this sudden betrayal, were cut down by allies and foes alike. There was the same treachery also on the part of the fleet: some of the rowers, being Batavians, by pretending a lack of skill interfered with the sailors and combatants. At this point, they began to row in the opposite direction and bring the sterns to the bank on which the enemy stood. Finally, they killed those of the helmsmen and centurions that did not take their viewpoint, until the entire fleet of twenty-four vessels either went over to the enemy or was captured.
[Civilis’ second speech about freedom and bravery]
(4.17) This victory was glorious for the enemy at the moment and useful for the future. They gained weapons and boats which they needed, and were greatly praised as liberators throughout the German and Gallic provinces. The Germans at once sent delegations offering assistance. Civilis tried to bring the Gallic provinces over to an alliance by craft and gifts, sending back the captured prefects to their own states and giving the soldiers of the cohorts permission to go or stay as they pleased. Those who stayed were given honourable service in the army, those who left were offered spoils taken from the Romans.
At the same time in private conversation he reminded them of the miseries that they had endured so many years while they falsely called their wretched servitude a peace.
Civilis said:
“The Batavians, although free from tribute, have taken up weapons against our common masters. In the very first engagement the Romans have been routed and defeated. What if the Gallic provinces should throw off the yoke? What forces are there left in Italy? It is by the blood of the provinces that provinces are won. Do not think of Vindex’s battle. It was the Batavian horsemen that crushed the Aeduians and Avernians. Among the auxiliary forces of Verginius were Belgians, and if you consider the matter correctly you will see that Gaul owed its fall to its own forces. Now all belong to the same party, and we have gained besides all the strength that military training in Roman camps can give. I have with me veteran cohorts before which Otho’s legions lately succumbed. Let Syria, Asia, and the East, which is accustomed to kings, play the slave. There are many still alive in Gaul who were born before tribute was known. Surely it was not long ago that slavery was driven from Germany by the killing of Quintilius Varus, and the emperor whom the Germans then challenged was not a Vitellius but a Caesar Augustus. Freedom is a gift which nature has granted even to dumb animals, but courage is the peculiar blessing of man. The gods favour the braver: on, therefore, carefree against the distressed, fresh against the weary. While some favour Vespasian and others Vitellius, the field is open against both.”
(4.18) In this way Civilis, turning his attention eagerly toward the Germanies and the Gauls, was preparing, should his plans prove successful, to gain the kingship over the strongest and richest peoples. . . [omitted many sections regarding plans, further mutinies of auxiliary cohorts, and ongoing clashes].
[Civilis’ speech about bravery before the final battle]
(5.16) . . . Then Cerialis [the Roman commander of the legion] rode toward the German army, and stretching out his hands begged these troops to recover their own river-bank and their camp at the expense of the enemy’s blood. An enthusiastic shout arose from all, for some after their long peace were eager for battle, others weary of war desired peace. They all hoped for rewards and rest thereafter.
(5.17) Nor did Civilis form his lines in silence, but called on the place of battle to bear witness to his soldiers’ bravery. He reminded the Germans and Batavians that they were standing on the field of glory, that they were trampling underfoot the bones and ashes of Roman legions. He shouted:
“Wherever the Roman turns his eyes, captivity, disaster, and dire omens confront him. You must not be alarmed by the adverse result of your battle with the Trevirians. In that case, their victory itself hampered the Germans, for they dropped their weapons and filled their hands with plunder. But everything since then has gone favourably for us and against the Romans. Every provision has been made that a wise general should make. The fields are flooded, but we know them well; the marshes are fatal to our foes. Before you are the Rhine and the gods of Germany. Engage battle under their divine favour, remembering your wives, parents, and homeland. This day will crown the glories of our ancestors or be counted the deepest disgrace by our descendants!”
When the Germans had applauded these words with clashing weapons and wild dancing according to their custom, they opened battle with a volley of stones, leaden balls, and other missiles, and since our [Roman] soldiers did not enter the marsh, the foe tried to provoke them and so lure them on. . . [omitted sections.]
[Batavians’ debates in the final stages and recognition of their supposed “insignificance” and of the favourability of Roman rule]
(5.24) That the legions could then have been crushed, and that the Germans wished to do so but were craftily dissuaded by him, were claims afterwards made by Civilis. Actually, his claim seems not far from the truth, since his surrender followed a few days later. For while Cerialis [the Roman commander of the fourteenth Gemina legion] by secret messengers was holding out to the Batavians the prospect of peace and to Civilis of pardon, he was also advising Veleda and her relatives to change the fortunes of a war, which repeated disasters had shown to be adverse to them, by rendering a timely service to the Roman people. Cerialis reminded them that the Trevirians had been cut to pieces, the Ubians had returned to their allegiance, and the Batavians had lost their native land. They had gained nothing from their friendship with Civilis but wounds, banishment, and grief. An exile and homeless he would be only a burden to any who harboured him, and they had already done wrong enough in crossing the Rhine so many times. If they transgressed further, the wrong and guilt would be theirs, but vengeance and the favour of heaven would belong to the Romans. (5.25) These promises were mingled with threats.
When the fidelity of the tribes across the Rhine had been shaken, debates began among the Batavians as well:
“We must not extend our ruin further. No single people (natio) can avert the enslavement of the whole world. What have we accomplished by destroying legions with fire and sword except to cause more legions and stronger forces to be brought up? If we have fought for Vespasian, Vespasian is now master of the world. If we are challenging the whole Roman people in battle, we must recognize what a insignificant part of humankind we Batavians are. Look at the Raetians, the Noricans, and consider the burdens Rome’s other allies bear. We are not required to pay tribute, but only to furnish valour and men [i.e. the conscription that originally led to the revolt]. This is a condition next to freedom. And if we are to choose our masters, we can more honourably bear the rule of Roman emperors than of German women.”
That is what the common people were saying.
The leaders spoke more violently:
“We have been drawn into battle by the madness of Civilis. He wanted to avert his own misfortunes by the ruin of his country. The gods were hostile to the Batavians on the day when we besieged the legions, murdered their commanders, and began this war that was a necessity only to Civilis, but to us fatal. There is nothing left to us, unless we begin to come to our senses and show our repentance by punishing the guilty individual.”
[Civilis’ final speech]
(5.26) Civilis was not unaware of this change of feeling and he decided to anticipate it, not only because he was weary of suffering, but also for the hope of life, which often breaks down high courage. When he asked for a conference, the bridge over the Nabalia was cut in two and the leaders advanced to the broken ends.
Then Civilis began to speak as follows:
“If I were defending myself before a legate of Vitellius, my acts would deserve no pardon nor my words any credence. There was nothing but hatred between him and me. Vitellus began the quarrel, I increased it. My respect for Vespasian is long standing, and when he was still a private citizen we were called friends. Primus Antonius knew this when he sent me a letter calling me to join battle in order to keep the legions of Germany and the young men of Gaul from crossing the Alps. What Antonius advised by letter, Hordeonius urged in person. I have begun the same war in Germany that Mucianus began in Syria, Aponius in Moesia, Flavianus in Pannonia. . .” [remainder of the narrative lost].
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Source of translation: C.H. Moore and J. Jackson, Tacitus: Histories, Annals, 4 volumes, LCL (Cambridge, MA: HUP, 1925-37), public domain (copyright not renewed), adapted by Harland.